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Comprehensive Dossier· Events of 1915 Türkiye position archives

The Events of 1915: Historical, Archival and Legal Guide to Türkiye's Position

A sourced dossier on the Events of 1915: archives, the 1915 Relocation Law, treaties, genocide claims and Türkiye's position, with fact and thesis separated.

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⏱ 13 min read (2,691 words)

Why It Matters

The Events of 1915 are the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians, during which very large numbers of Armenians died. Whether this amounts to genocide is among the most contested questions in modern history and diplomacy. Türkiye rejects the genocide label and calls instead for a historians-led process based on open archives, while Armenia, the diaspora, many historians and a number of parliaments use the term genocide.

This guide separates three things: documented fact (what primary sources and treaties record), attributed positions (what each side argues, in its own terms) and Türkiye's thesis (the official Turkish interpretation). It uses the official Turkish term 'Events of 1915' and notes where other actors use different language.

Background

Centuries of coexistence

Turkish and Armenian communities lived side by side in Anatolia for roughly a millennium, under the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian principalities and the Ottoman Empire. Under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communities ran their own religious, educational and communal affairs. Armenians held prominent commercial, administrative and cultural roles, and Ottoman officialdom described them as the Millet-i Sadıka, the 'loyal community'. Turkish sources often cite the 1835–1839 observations of the Prussian officer Helmuth von Moltke as Western testimony to this.

This is documented history, though it was not free of tension. Non-Muslims were subject to unequal legal status before the 19th-century Tanzimat reforms, and the Hamidian era later brought mass violence against Armenians.

Demographics are a point of dispute. Ankara argues that Armenians were not a demographic majority in any province of Eastern Anatolia and made up less than 20% of the population there. Armenian and some Western scholars contest the reliability of Ottoman census figures. Estimates of the pre-war Ottoman Armenian population range from about 1.3 million to over 2 million, depending on the source.

From the 1878 Congress of Berlin to the revolutionary committees

After the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War, the Treaty of San Stefano and then the 1878 Congress of Berlin internationalized the question of Ottoman Armenian reforms. Armenian leaders, including Patriarch Nerses Varzhapetian and Mkrtich Khrimian, sought great-power patronage. Two revolutionary organizations followed:

  • Hunchak (Social Democrat Hunchakian Party), founded in 1887.
  • Dashnak / Dashnaksutyun (Armenian Revolutionary Federation), founded in 1890 in Tbilisi.

Turkish sources describe the committees as having adopted armed insurgency and terror to provoke European intervention. They point to the 1890 Kumkapı demonstration in Istanbul, the 1893 unrest in Merzifon, Yozgat and Kayseri, the 1894 Sasun rebellion and the 26 August 1896 raid on the Ottoman Bank organized by Karekin Pastırmacıyan. Armed fedayi bands, led by figures such as Antranik, Dro, Paramaz and Hamazasp, targeted Ottoman officials and also Armenians who opposed rebellion.

The other side of the record is equally documented. The 1894–1896 Hamidian massacres killed large numbers of Armenians, and estimates vary widely. The 1909 Adana massacre killed thousands more. Armenian narratives place the committees' turn to arms within this context of insecurity.

World War I and the Relocation Law

The Ottoman Empire entered the war in late 1914 and fought the Russian Empire on the Caucasus front. Armenian volunteer units formed in the Russian Caucasus and fought alongside Russian forces. Turkish sources hold that these units, together with local insurgents, carried out massacres of Muslim civilians in Van, Erzurum and Bitlis and disrupted supply lines. The Van uprising of April–May 1915 is a central episode in this narrative, and Armenian sources describe it as a defence of the Armenian population.

The key chronology is:

  • 24 April 1915: Ottoman authorities arrested Armenian community leaders and intellectuals in Istanbul. This date is commemorated by Armenians as the start of the genocide.
  • 24 May 1915: Britain, France and Russia issued a joint declaration warning that the Ottoman leadership would be held personally responsible for 'crimes against humanity and civilization'.
  • 27 May 1915: The Ottoman government adopted the Relocation and Resettlement Law (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu), published in the official gazette Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. It authorized the army to relocate populations deemed a security threat in war zones.
  • 1915–1916: Armenian communities across Anatolia were deported, many towards Syria and Mesopotamia. Large numbers died from violence, starvation, disease and exposure.

Turkish sources present the law and the related orders from War Minister Enver Pasha and Interior Minister Talat Pasha as a temporary wartime security measure. Armenian and many international sources see the same instruments as the administrative framework for destruction. They point to the scale of deaths and to testimony from diplomats, missionaries and survivors.

Losses

All serious sources accept that very large numbers of Armenians died. Armenian sources and many Western historians cite roughly 1 to 1.5 million deaths. Turkish official historiography has cited much lower figures, around 300,000 Armenian deaths from all causes, and stresses that Muslim civilians also suffered massive losses from war, famine, disease and wartime violence in eastern Anatolia. Casualty figures remain contested, and no single figure commands universal agreement.

Post-war justice and the treaty settlement

After the 1918 armistice, Ottoman courts-martial in 1919–1920 tried and in some cases convicted officials over the deportations and killings. Critics of Türkiye's position cite these proceedings as evidence of recognition at the time. Turkish sources argue that they were held under Allied occupation and political pressure, and that they were not reliable judicial findings.

The treaty framework is a matter of record:

  • The Treaty of Sèvres (August 1920) envisaged an Armenian state in parts of eastern Anatolia but was never ratified and never entered into force.
  • The Treaty of Alexandropol (December 1920), the Treaty of Moscow (March 1921) and the Treaty of Kars (October 1921) fixed Türkiye's eastern frontier with Armenia and the South Caucasus.
  • The Treaty of Lausanne (24 July 1923) set Türkiye's international status and guaranteed the rights of non-Muslim minorities on the basis of equal citizenship.

Türkiye holds that attempts to revive Sèvres by some diaspora circles have no legal standing.

ASALA and JCAG-ARA terrorism, 1973–1984

From 1973, a series of attacks targeted Turkish diplomats and their families. The first was the January 1973 killing of two Turkish diplomats in Santa Barbara, California. ASALA (the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia) and the JCAG-ARA (Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide, later the Armenian Revolutionary Army) carried out dozens of attacks in several countries, including the 1982 Esenboğa Airport attack in Ankara and the 1983 Orly Airport attack in Paris. According to Turkish sources, 31 of the 32 attacks attributed to JCAG-ARA targeted Turkish representatives. Turkish sources trace ASALA to the Hunchak tradition and JCAG-ARA to the Dashnak tradition. Mainstream Armenian institutions and many diaspora organizations condemned the violence.

What is documented and what is thesis

Question Documented record Türkiye's thesis Contested point
Did deportations occur? Yes, under the 27 May 1915 law, published 1 June 1915 Temporary wartime security relocation Purpose and scale
Did Armenians die in very large numbers? Yes, from all causes Heavy tragedy; figures inflated by wartime propaganda Numbers: about 300,000 vs 1–1.5 million
Were there armed Armenian groups? Yes: committees, fedayi bands, volunteer units with Russia They justified front-line security measures Whether measures were proportionate to the threat
Were Muslims also killed? Yes, in large numbers across the war Their losses are ignored in the genocide narrative Extent and attribution
Is 'genocide' the correct legal term? No tribunal has ruled on the Events of 1915 The 1948 Convention criteria are not met and no competent tribunal has ruled Intent and retroactivity

Key Players & Positions

Armenia

The Armenian government and the Armenian Apostolic Church describe the Events of 1915 as the Armenian Genocide and commemorate it every 24 April. Armenia's official position is that the question of the historical facts is not open for negotiation, though it has accepted dialogue with Türkiye on normalization.

The diaspora

Diaspora organizations in the United States, France, Lebanon and elsewhere have led campaigns for international recognition. Most pursue peaceful advocacy, education and legislation. A radical minority, as described above, resorted to terrorism in 1973–1984.

Historians

Many historians and genocide scholars, including the International Association of Genocide Scholars in its 2005 letter to the Turkish prime minister, hold that the Ottoman policy meets the definition of genocide. Other historians, including a number of Turkish scholars and some Western specialists, stress the wartime context, civil conflict, famine and Muslim losses, and argue that the evidence on central intent remains disputed. The International Center for Transitional Justice's 2003 legal analysis concluded that the events included acts that could be described as genocide, while also concluding that the 1948 Convention does not apply retroactively.

Parliaments and governments

Parliaments in a range of countries, including France (2001), Germany (Bundestag, 2016), the Russian State Duma (2015) and the United States Congress (2019), have passed resolutions using the term genocide. The US President formally recognized the events as genocide on 24 April 2021. Other governments, such as the United Kingdom, have taken the view that it is for historians and courts rather than governments to determine the characterization. Positions differ widely by country, and so do domestic laws concerning commemoration and denial.

The European Court of Human Rights

In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 2015), the Court held that convicting a Turkish politician for denying that the Events of 1915 were genocide violated freedom of expression under Article 10. The Court stressed that it was not ruling on whether the events were genocide. Both sides cite the judgment for different reasons.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources · Legal Basis

Türkiye's Position

The following reflects official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish primary sources. It is Türkiye's thesis, not neutral fact.

  • The Events of 1915 were a wartime tragedy, not genocide. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the relocation was a security measure taken during a world war on a collapsing front, in which Armenians, Muslims and others suffered terribly. Ankara argues that the events cannot be characterized in isolation from the war, armed insurgency and the collapse of the Ottoman state.
  • Genocide is a strict legal category. Ankara notes that Article II of the 1948 UN Genocide Convention requires proven specific intent (dolus specialis) to destroy a group, and that Article IX places disputes about the Convention before the International Court of Justice. In Türkiye's view, no competent international tribunal has ever made such a determination for the Events of 1915, and parliamentary resolutions are political acts that cannot replace judicial findings. Ankara also holds that the Convention does not apply retroactively.
  • History belongs to historians and archives. In April 2005, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wrote to Armenian President Robert Kocharyan proposing a Joint Historical Commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to Ottoman, Armenian and third-country archives. Türkiye states that the offer remains open. It points to the Ottoman archives in Istanbul, run by the Presidency of the State Archives, which are open to researchers, and invites Armenia and third countries to open theirs on the same terms.
  • Shared pain and 'just memory'. On 23 April 2014, Erdoğan, then prime minister, issued a statement offering condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives in the early 20th century and describing the pain as shared. Ankara's approach of Adil Hafıza ('fair memory') calls on all sides to remember all victims, including Muslim civilians, rather than one community's suffering alone.
  • The treaties are binding and settled. Türkiye holds that its borders are fixed by the Treaties of Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne, and that the unratified Treaty of Sèvres has no legal force. Ankara also separates normalization from the history debate. It has held direct talks with Armenia since 14 January 2022, through Special Representatives Ambassador Serdar Kılıç and Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan, aimed at normalization without preconditions. For the legal analysis, see The 27 May 1915 Relocation Law and the 1948 Genocide Convention: What the Legal Criteria Require.

Critics respond that a Joint Historical Commission risks presenting an established historical record as an open question. They also argue that the Genocide Convention was itself shaped by earlier mass atrocities, and that the lack of a court ruling does not settle a historical question. Armenia has favoured direct, intergovernmental normalization talks without linking them to a commission. A fair reading must keep both sets of arguments in view.

Source Comparison

Issue Armenian and many international sources Turkish primary sources
Terminology 'Armenian Genocide' 'Events of 1915'; relocation and wartime tragedy
Intent Centrally planned destruction, inferred from orders, testimony and outcomes No order of annihilation in the Ottoman archives; security rationale
Evidence Diplomatic reports (German, Austrian, US), survivor testimony, 1919–1920 trials Ottoman state archives, wartime correspondence, Muslim civilian losses
Casualty figures About 1–1.5 million Armenian deaths About 300,000 Armenian deaths; large Muslim losses
Role of armed groups Presented as resistance or self-defence, and as marginal to the whole population Insurgency with Russian backing, justifying front-line measures
Legal standard Historical consensus and scholarly definitions are sufficient Convention criteria and a competent tribunal are required
Way forward Recognition, then reconciliation Joint Historical Commission, open archives, normalization

Readers should note limits on both sides. Ottoman archives are rich but are the records of the state that carried out the policy. Foreign diplomatic reports and survivor accounts are extensive but are not complete and are sometimes disputed. Researchers have also noted that access to Ottoman and other archives has varied over time. Fair assessment means comparing sources of different origins rather than relying on any single body of evidence. See also Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources.

  • Events of 1915: The official Turkish term for the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians and the associated violence and losses.
  • Sevk ve İskân Kanunu: The Relocation and Resettlement Law of 27 May 1915, published in Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915.
  • Hunchak and Dashnak: Armenian revolutionary parties founded in 1887 and 1890.
  • Fedayi: Armed irregular fighters of the Armenian revolutionary movement.
  • Dolus specialis: The specific intent to destroy a protected group, required under Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
  • ASALA and JCAG-ARA: Armenian militant organizations responsible for attacks on Turkish diplomats and others between 1973 and 1984.
  • Joint Historical Commission: The April 2005 Turkish proposal for a panel of historians with full archive access.
  • Adil Hafıza ('fair memory'): Ankara's formula for remembering all victims of the period.

Related guides:

Regionalbalance Editorial Team. Regionalbalance presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

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Frequently asked questions

What does Türkiye mean by the 'Events of 1915'?

It is the official Turkish term for the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians under the law of 27 May 1915, together with the violence, famine and disease that killed very large numbers of people. Türkiye uses the term to place the events in their World War I context and to avoid a legal characterization it rejects. Armenia and many other actors use the term genocide instead.

Is it documented that Armenians died in 1915?

Yes. All serious sources accept that very large numbers of Armenians died during and after the deportations. The disagreement concerns the numbers, roughly 300,000 in Turkish official historiography versus 1 to 1.5 million in Armenian and many Western estimates, and above all the intent behind the policy.

Why does Türkiye say the events were not genocide?

Ankara argues that genocide is a legal category under the 1948 UN Genocide Convention, requiring proven specific intent to destroy a group and a ruling by a competent tribunal. It holds that neither condition has been met, that the Ottoman archives show no annihilation order, and that Muslim civilians also suffered heavily. Critics counter that the historical evidence of intent is sufficient and that the lack of a court ruling reflects the Convention's non-retroactivity, not the facts.

What was the 2005 Joint Historical Commission proposal?

In April 2005, Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed in a letter to the Armenian president a joint commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all relevant archives. Türkiye says the offer remains open. Armenia has preferred direct, intergovernmental normalization talks that do not make the historical question a condition.

Do the Treaties of Kars and Lausanne depend on the genocide debate?

Türkiye's position is that its frontiers rest on the Treaties of Alexandropol (1920), Moscow (1921), Kars (1921) and Lausanne (1923), not on the unratified 1920 Treaty of Sèvres. These treaties are the legal basis of the current borders regardless of how the Events of 1915 are characterized.

Are Türkiye and Armenia currently talking?

Yes. Special Representatives Ambassador Serdar Kılıç and Armenian Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan have held direct normalization talks since 14 January 2022, which Türkiye describes as unconditional. The earlier 2009 Zurich Protocols were signed but never ratified.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Regionalbalance presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

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