Geopolitics, Security & International Law from the Crossroads
Regional Balance

Türkiye's geopolitical crossroads, explained through primary sources

Geopolitical ExplainersEastern Mediterranean & Blue HomelandSecurity & Counter-Terrorism DossiersTreaties, Archives & International LawDiplomacy & Mediation WatchFact Check
Comprehensive Dossier· Türkiye counter-terrorism doctrine PKK YPG DAESH FETÖ defense industry

Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Türkiye's Border Security Doctrine and Defense Industry

Türkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine explained: Article 51, PKK/YPG, DAESH, FETÖ, cross-border operations, Terror-Free Türkiye and the defense industry.

RB
Published:
⏱ 16 min read (3,326 words)

Why It Matters

Türkiye's counter-terrorism doctrine is built on one principle: threats should be neutralized at their source, beyond the roughly 1,300 km (about 810 miles) of border it shares with Syria and Iraq, relying on the right of self-defense in Article 51 of the UN Charter. In practice this means cross-border operations, a simultaneous campaign against the PKK/KCK/PYD-YPG network, DAESH (ISIS) and FETÖ, and a defense industry that Turkish officials say now produces about 80% of the country's needs domestically.

The doctrine is also one of the most contested in NATO. Allies agree on the PKK designation and on the DAESH threat, but differ on the status of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and on the legality and humanitarian impact of cross-border operations. This dossier lays out the facts first, then the positions of each side, then Türkiye's stated rationale with its sources. Figures are attributed to the bodies that issued them.

Background

The threat environment

The PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) was founded in 1978 and began its armed campaign against the Turkish state on 15 August 1984. It is listed as a terrorist organization by Türkiye, the United States, NATO members and the European Union. The conflict has cost tens of thousands of lives, including many civilians, over four decades. The PKK's umbrella structure is the KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union); the PYD (Democratic Union Party) and its armed wing, the YPG (People's Protection Units), emerged in Syria during the civil war that began in 2011.

DAESH, the Arabic acronym for the group often called ISIS or ISIL, was listed as a terrorist organization by Türkiye in 2013. It carried out several mass-casualty attacks inside Türkiye, including the 2015 bombings in Suruç and Ankara and the 2017 Reina nightclub attack in Istanbul. FETÖ (the 'Fetullahist Terrorist Organization') is the name Ankara uses for the network around the US-based preacher Fethullah Gülen, who died in October 2024. Turkish authorities hold it responsible for the failed coup of 15 July 2016.

Chronology

Date Event
1984 PKK begins its armed insurgency
20 Oct 1998 Adana Agreement: Syria commits to end support for the PKK and expels its leader Abdullah Öcalan
2013 Türkiye lists DAESH as a terrorist organization
2015 SDF formed in northern Syria; the United States builds a partnership with it against DAESH
24 Aug 2016 – 29 Mar 2017 Operation Euphrates Shield (northern Syria, against DAESH and the PKK/YPG)
15 Jul 2016 Coup attempt attributed to FETÖ; the Turkish government states that 251 people were killed
20 Jan – Mar 2018 Operation Olive Branch (Afrin)
9 Oct 2019 Operation Peace Spring (Tel Abyad–Ras al-Ayn); pauses agreed with the US (17 Oct) and Russia (22 Oct)
27 Feb – 5 Mar 2020 Operation Spring Shield (Idlib); ceasefire protocol agreed in Moscow
2019 onward Claw series of operations in northern Iraq
8 Dec 2024 Fall of the Assad government in Syria
12 May 2025 PKK announces its dissolution; weapons-destruction ceremony follows in July 2025

The operational chronology is well documented. Whether each operation was legal, proportionate or politically wise is a matter of dispute, covered below.

The southern border and the 'source' doctrine

Türkiye's land border with Syria is roughly 900 km and with Iraq roughly 330 km. Turkish officials describe the combined line as about 1,300 km. After 2011, parts of the Syrian side fell out of state control, and Ankara concluded that passive border defense (walls, patrols, surveillance) was insufficient against armed groups that could shell, infiltrate or build up forces beyond the line. The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) and the Ministry of National Defense (MSB) describe the resulting approach as 'neutralizing terrorism at its source'. The legal and operational reasoning is explained in the companion guide Article 51 of the UN Charter and Türkiye's Cross-Border Operations.

Rise of the national defense industry

Türkiye's defense industry grew sharply after the 1990s. The turning points were Western arms-supply restrictions during the PKK conflict, the 1996 'national' procurement strategy, the 2016 coup attempt, and the 2019-2020 exclusion from the F-35 programme and US sanctions on the Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) under CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) after the purchase of Russian S-400 systems. Turkish officials cite these events as reasons for self-reliance. The Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) and the Turkish Exporters Assembly (TİM) report record defense and aerospace exports in 2024 of roughly USD 7 billion.

Key Players & Positions

United States

The US designated the PKK as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 1997 and has not designated the YPG or the SDF. Since 2015, Washington has relied on the SDF as its principal ground partner against DAESH in northeast Syria. US officials have at times acknowledged historical links between the YPG and the PKK while treating the SDF as a separate partner, and they have urged Ankara to avoid operations that endanger the anti-DAESH mission. After the Assad government fell, US officials have encouraged the integration of SDF forces into Syrian state institutions, in line with the 10 March 2025 understanding between the SDF and the Syrian transitional authorities.

European Union and member states

The EU lists the PKK in its terrorist list, but not the YPG. Several European states, notably France, contributed special forces and trainers to the anti-DAESH effort alongside the SDF. After Operation Peace Spring in October 2019, the EU Foreign Affairs Council condemned the offensive, and several member states (including Germany, France, the Netherlands, Finland and Sweden) restricted arms exports to Türkiye. The Sweden–Finland NATO accession process led to the trilateral memorandum of 28 June 2022, in which the two Nordic states pledged not to support the YPG/PYD and to address PKK-related activity; Sweden joined NATO on 7 March 2024.

NATO

NATO's 2022 Strategic Concept describes terrorism as the most direct asymmetric threat to allied security and commits to counter it. The alliance has not taken a collective position on the SDF. Türkiye has used the accession process and allied summits to press for what it calls 'sensitivity to each other's core security concerns'.

Syria, Iraq and Russia

Under the Assad government, Damascus called Turkish forces an occupation. The post-Assad Syrian authorities have been more aligned with Ankara, though the future of the SDF, Syrian territorial integrity and Israeli activity in southern Syria remain unresolved. Iraq's government has protested Turkish strikes and bases in northern Iraq as violations of its sovereignty, while in March 2024 Baghdad also officially banned the PKK. Russia mediated several ceasefires, including the 22 October 2019 Sochi memorandum and the 5 March 2020 Moscow protocol.

Kurdish political actors and rights organizations

SDF leaders and many Syrian Kurdish groups argue that they fought DAESH at great cost and are not a Turkish security threat. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented abuses by some Turkish-backed Syrian armed factions in Afrin and the Peace Spring area, as well as civilian harm from strikes; Turkish authorities say they investigate allegations and reject claims of deliberate targeting of civilians. Critics inside and outside Türkiye also argue that security measures alone cannot resolve the Kurdish question, which is why political and legal steps matter.

The 'unwilling or unable' debate

Many Western governments accept that a state may use force in self-defense against non-state actors on another state's territory when the host state is 'unwilling or unable' to stop the threat. Other states and scholars consider this standard contested, and argue that consent of the territorial state or Security Council authorization is required. The debate shapes how Turkish operations are judged in Baghdad, Damascus (before 2024), Moscow and European capitals.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources · Legal Basis

Türkiye's Position

The following points summarize Ankara's official position as expressed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), the Ministry of National Defense (MSB), the Presidency and the Directorate of Communications. Regionalbalance presents them as official policy, not as neutral findings.

  • Self-defense at the source (Article 51). According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Türkiye acts under Article 51 of the UN Charter and the principle that it cannot wait for attacks to reach its territory. Türkiye has notified the UN Security Council of its operations in letters invoking that article. Ankara adds that the operations respect Syria's and Iraq's territorial integrity, and that Türkiye supports a 'one state, one army' model in Syria. The Turkish legal case also cites the 1998 Adana Agreement, in which Damascus undertook not to host the PKK, and Security Council Resolutions 1373 (2001), 2170 (2014) and 2178 (2014) on terrorism and foreign terrorist fighters.
  • The PKK/KCK/PYD-YPG is one organization. The MFA and the MSB state that the PYD/YPG, and the SDF label, are the Syrian extension of the PKK/KCK, with shared leadership, cadres, weapons and ideology. Ankara argues that a group that shares its parent's command cannot be a legitimate partner simply because it also fights DAESH, and that arming it undermines Türkiye's security as a NATO ally. Ankara also says that the PKK's May 2025 dissolution decision should extend to all its affiliates.
  • DAESH: front-line participation. Turkish officials state that Türkiye is the NATO member whose forces engaged DAESH in direct ground combat in Operation Euphrates Shield, and that the TSK neutralized more than 4,000 DAESH militants in northern Syria, while Turkish authorities blocked about 100,000 DAESH-linked individuals from entering Türkiye. These figures come from Turkish officials and have not been independently audited. Other coalition members, including the United States and France, also operated on the ground in Syria, mainly with the SDF.
  • FETÖ and the 15 July 2016 coup attempt. The Presidency and the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) describe FETÖ as a clandestine network that infiltrated the military, police and judiciary and attempted a coup on 15 July 2016, in which the government says 251 people died. Türkiye's National Security Council designated it a terrorist organization in 2016, and Ankara requests that partners extradite or investigate its members. Turkish officials argue that 'terror-free' security requires action against all three organizations at once.
  • Terror-Free Türkiye. The Presidency presents the 'Terror-Free Türkiye' initiative as combining security operations with legal, political and social measures, under the rule of law and human rights, to end four decades of violence. It started after the 2024 calls from within the governing alliance and Öcalan's 27 February 2025 appeal to the PKK to dissolve, and it includes a parliamentary commission established in 2025. Ankara states that operations continue against armed elements until verified disarmament, and that any steps depend on the real dissolution of the network.

Ankara's legal argument rests on Article 51 of the UN Charter, relevant Security Council resolutions, the Adana Agreement (1998), bilateral understandings with Russia and the United States (2019-2020), and the Turkish–Iraqi security cooperation record. Its historical argument is that the 1984-2025 insurgency and the Syrian vacuum created a permanent cross-border security problem that could not be handled passively. For the parallel Turkish legal doctrine on the 1974 Cyprus action, see Treaty of Guarantee and the 1974 Intervention: Was Türkiye's Action Legal?.

The operations in brief

  • Claw series (northern Iraq, from 2019). Air and ground operations against PKK camps, caves and logistics in the Metina, Zap, Avashin and Gara regions. The MSB reports periodic tallies of 'neutralized' militants. Baghdad has objected to the presence of Turkish bases, while cooperation with the Kurdistan Regional Government varies by period.
  • Euphrates Shield (2016-2017). Cleared the Jarablus–al-Bab area of DAESH and prevented the PKK/YPG from linking its Kobani and Afrin cantons. Turkish officials point to the DAESH figures above.
  • Olive Branch (2018). Targeted the YPG in Afrin. Turkish officials say that the aim was to remove a source of rocket and infiltration threats, and cite precautions for civilians and heritage sites; critics cite displacement and abuses.
  • Peace Spring (2019). Targeted a roughly 120 km (75 miles) stretch between Tel Abyad and Ras al-Ayn. Ankara describes the 'safe zone' as a place for voluntary returns of refugees. The operation was paused after talks with the US and Russia, and drew EU criticism and arms-export restrictions.
  • Spring Shield (2020). Followed an air strike in Idlib on 27 February 2020 that killed 33 Turkish soldiers, which Ankara attributed to Syrian government forces. It ended with the 5 March Moscow protocol.

Refugee hosting

Türkiye has hosted the world's largest refugee population in recent years, with about 3.6 million Syrians under temporary protection at the peak, according to the Turkish migration authorities and UNHCR. The EU–Türkiye Statement of 18 March 2016 created the EU Facility for Refugees in Türkiye (EUR 6 billion pledged). Ankara argues that security operations and 'safe' areas were partly designed to enable voluntary and dignified returns. Turkish officials report that returns accelerated after December 2024; independent monitors stress that voluntariness, safety and housing conditions remain central. Rights groups have also raised concerns about reported pressure and deportations in some cases, which the Turkish government denies as policy.

Terror-Free Türkiye in context

The initiative is partly a political process. Turkish officials describe a sequence of PKK disarmament, parliamentary legal work and reintegration, under state supervision. Outside observers note that its success depends on verifiable disarmament, the position of the SDF in Syria, the role of Kurdish political parties, and the treatment of democratic rights. Regionalbalance does not predict outcomes; readers should check current developments.

The national defense industry

The Presidency and SSB say that the share of domestic content in Turkish defense procurement is around 80%, compared with a small fraction in the early 2000s. They link the sector to counter-terrorism operations, to the Blue Homeland naval posture (see Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean), and to operations in Libya, Azerbaijan and Ukraine-related supply. The Turkish Military Factories and Shipyards (under the MSB) are reported by Ankara to employ around 26,000 specialist personnel.

Category Systems named in Turkish official materials Notes
Unmanned aircraft Bayraktar TB2, Akıncı, Aksungur, ANKA, Kargu, Kızılelma TB2 is widely exported; Kızılelma is an unmanned combat aircraft that first flew in December 2022
Crewed aircraft KAAN (fifth-generation fighter), Hürjet, Hürkuş, T129 ATAK helicopter KAAN's prototype first flew in February 2024; Hürjet is a jet trainer and light combat aircraft; T129 has an Italian-British heritage
Land platforms Fırtına howitzer, Kirpi, Vuran, MEMATT demining vehicle, national infantry rifles (e.g. MPT-76) Fırtına was developed from South Korean K9 technology
Naval TCG Anadolu amphibious assault ship, MİLGEM corvettes and frigates, offshore patrol vessels, Reis-class submarines TCG Anadolu was commissioned in April 2023 and operates drones
Missiles and air defense SOM, ATMACA, Cirit, OMTAS, UMTAS, Sungur, Hisar-O, SİPER Presented as layers of a national 'Steel Dome'
Radar and electronic warfare Koral, Vural, Milkar, Milked Developed by Turkish firms such as Aselsan

Independent analysts add several caveats: the 80% figure is an official claim and depends on how 'indigenous' is defined; some engines, sensors and components (for example in KAAN and some unmanned aircraft) still come from allies or suppliers abroad; and sanctions or export restrictions have slowed some programmes. Others point to Türkiye's growing share of the global drone market as evidence that the sector has matured. Turkish policy treats defense exports as part of a strategy toward 'strategic autonomy' within NATO, not as an alternative to it.

Source Comparison

Issue Common international framing Turkish official framing
SDF and the YPG A Kurdish-led partner force that bore much of the ground fight against DAESH The Syrian branch of the PKK/KCK, sharing leadership and weapons; not a separate actor
Cross-border operations Contested use of force, with concerns on civilian harm, displacement and sovereignty Self-defense under Article 51, targeted at terrorist infrastructure, with precautions for civilians
DAESH record Türkiye was a late and sometimes ambiguous participant in the coalition (2013-2015) Direct ground combat in Euphrates Shield; large-scale border interdiction; DAESH attacks on Türkiye
FETÖ Often described as a religious or civic movement; critics focus on mass purges and due process A terrorist organization that attempted a coup; the purge responded to infiltration
Refugees Türkiye as a major host, and also as a bargaining actor in EU migration policy A humanitarian burden shouldered with limited international burden-sharing
Defense industry Fast-growing exporter, with questions on drone use and component dependence National capacity built because of arms embargoes; about 80% indigenous

How to read these sources: Turkish primary sources include MFA statements, MSB briefings, Presidency and Communications Directorate releases, TBMM records and letters to the UN. Western primary sources include US State Department and Defense Department statements, EU Council conclusions, NATO documents and reports from the UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria. For the European Court of Human Rights, note the Grand Chamber judgment in Yalçınkaya v. Türkiye (26 September 2023), which found violations in the use of the ByLock messaging app as evidence in FETÖ-related cases; Ankara has said it is evaluating the judgment's implications while maintaining that the coup attempt was real and that the group is terrorist. Readers can compare more disputed claims in Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media. Regionalbalance's approach to separating facts from positions is described in Editorial Principles.

  • Article 51 (UN Charter): preserves the 'inherent right' of individual or collective self-defense against an armed attack, with reporting to the Security Council. Its application to non-state actors is contested. See Article 51 and Türkiye's Cross-Border Operations.
  • PKK/KCK: the Kurdistan Workers' Party and its umbrella organization, listed as terrorist by Türkiye, the US, NATO members and the EU.
  • PYD/YPG/SDF: the Syrian Kurdish party, its militia, and the broader coalition formed in 2015. The US and some European states cooperate with the SDF; Ankara treats it as part of the PKK/KCK.
  • DAESH: the Arabic acronym for ISIS/ISIL, used by Türkiye and several other governments.
  • FETÖ: the Turkish official term for the network associated with Fethullah Gülen, held responsible for the 15 July 2016 coup attempt.
  • Terror-Free Türkiye (Terörsüz Türkiye): the 2024-2025 initiative linking PKK disarmament with legal and political steps.
  • Hudut namustur ('The border is honour'): a Turkish security slogan used in official discourse.

Related guides: The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaties, 1974 and the Case for a Sovereign Equal Two-State Solution for another use of treaty-based guarantee rights; The Montreux Convention, the Black Sea and Türkiye's Mediation for Türkiye's wider security role; and About Regionalbalance for the publisher's mission and transparency policy. The Regionalbalance home page lists further dossiers.

Regionalbalance presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

Regionalbalance Editorial Team

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

Frequently asked questions

What does 'neutralizing terrorism at its source' mean in Türkiye's doctrine?

It means acting against armed groups in Syria and Iraq before they can attack Türkiye, rather than relying only on border defenses. Ankara bases this on the right of self-defense in Article 51 of the UN Charter and says the operations respect the territorial integrity of neighboring states. Critics, including Baghdad and, before 2024, Damascus, have argued that some operations violated sovereignty.

Why do the US and Türkiye disagree about the SDF?

The US designates the PKK as a terrorist organization but works with the SDF as a partner against DAESH, and has not listed the YPG. Ankara says the YPG/SDF is the PKK's Syrian arm, with shared leadership, weapons and ideology. The dispute is one of the longest-running tensions inside NATO and is linked to ongoing integration talks between the SDF and Syrian authorities.

Is Türkiye really the only NATO member to fight DAESH on the ground?

That is how Turkish officials describe Operation Euphrates Shield, stating that over 4,000 DAESH militants were neutralized. Other coalition states, including the US and France, also deployed forces in Syria, mostly in advisory and special-operations roles alongside the SDF. The claim concerns the scale and form of Turkish ground combat, and the figures come from Turkish sources.

What is FETÖ and why is it contested internationally?

FETÖ is Türkiye's official name for the network associated with Fethullah Gülen, which Ankara holds responsible for the 15 July 2016 coup attempt, in which the government says 251 people died. Türkiye designated it as terrorist in 2016, but many Western governments have not, and human rights bodies have criticized parts of the post-coup crackdown. In 2023 the European Court of Human Rights found violations in the use of ByLock evidence in the Yalçınkaya case.

How much of Türkiye's defense industry is actually domestic?

Turkish officials, including the Presidency and SSB, say domestic content has reached around 80%. Independent analysts caution that the figure depends on how 'indigenous' is measured and that some engines and sensors still come from abroad. Defense and aerospace exports were reported at roughly USD 7 billion in 2024 by Turkish bodies.

What is the Terror-Free Türkiye initiative?

It is a process launched around 2024-2025 that combines security operations with legal, political and social steps to end the PKK conflict, which began in 1984. It followed Abdullah Öcalan's February 2025 call and the PKK's announced dissolution in May 2025. Ankara says operations continue until disarmament is verified, and outside observers say success depends on verification, Syria's SDF question and wider democratic reforms.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Regionalbalance presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

Author: Regional Balance Editorial TeamAbout Regional Balance →Editorial Principles →

Cross-Publication Perspectives & Cited Research

Related Dossiers Across Partner Publications

4 Partner Desks